1312 + 1: Still not loving police, campaign completion

campaign completion














1312 + 1: Still not loving police, campaign completion: Dec 14 21, 19pm @ UT Connewitz, live stream via YouTube

Dead Honeckers (Punk, Leipzig) One step ahead (Punk, Saxony), Astro Knights Collective (Electropop, Grimma)
Reading "My Head of Operations" and Contributions to legitimate police criticism

The year is coming to an end, the police are still there. Well, that was to be expected. The linXXnet sticks to it: No, we definitely still don't love the police.

Welcome to the Still Not Loving the Police 21 Closing Concert! We got under the police helicopter's pelt, wrote countless inquiries about police operations (not only) in Connewitz and on New Year's Eve, took part in events, held some ourselves and decorated our office window. Our campaign is coming to an end, we stay on topic. Promised!

Live music, a scenic reading and speeches from our allied political initiatives await you at the finale. It starts at 19 p.m., it's Tuesday after all!

Camps and house rules - an information page

In a successful cooperation with our district and city councillors in the districts and cities in Saxony we can present: a traffic light analysis of the house rules of refugee accommodation! Why? Because there are house rules from collective accommodation - the reception facilities of the state as well as the community accommodation of the municipalities - that make life difficult for the people.
One thing is clear: not once could the color “green” be assigned. This means that room searches are constantly taking place and thus violations of Article 13 of the Basic Law, which guarantees the protection of the apartment. people become from der accommodation thrown because they are said to have violated the house rules. Not even the daily consumption of food is always possible. There is a lack of anti-violence concepts and when they do exist, they often make one's hair tear. the Minimum standards from the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth and UNICEF don't fulfill them.

With this page we are now giving all active people in Saxony, refugees, consultants, volunteers, city and district councilors a basis for finding out what the status of fundamental rights is like in your area. And: we show how restrictive house rules and thus camps per se can be counteracted.

On this information page we provide...

  1. The traffic light analysis
  2. All house rules of the independent cities and districts
  3. Everything you need to become legally and politically active against the camps yourself
  4. Our #CampTours
  5. A little background: what are camps?
  6. What we stand for: that accommodation policy becomes housing policy!

But: long story short, here first the

I. Traffic light analysis:

It turns out that the Saxon house rules are particularly restrictive. Everything is red, except once yellow for the anti-violence concept, which, again, does not deserve the name. With regard to the municipalities, there are strong variations. Some have house rules for all shared accommodation, others have different rules specific to each one.

II. All house regulations of the districts, urban districts and the Free State...

…linked here for your own research and getting active:

III. Camp Watch – Get active yourself! 

First of all: some preparatory work has already been done in Saxony so that the house rules can be attacked. The Saxon Refugee Council eV, the Anti-Discrimination Office eV and the Leipzig Initiative Group: People.Worthy. have commissioned a legal opinion. The lawyer Martin Wiesmann explains:

“Such encroachments on fundamental rights are only tenable in prisons. There they happen on the basis of a law passed by parliament. House rules cannot justify intensive interventions. The sanction options are constitutionally untenable in the back and front. The way the house rules are designed regularly violates Article 13 of the Basic Law – the protection of the home.”

Martin Wiesmann im Legal opinion “House rules in reception facilities”, published May 26, 2021 on a Press conference by the Anti-Discrimination Office of Saxony, the Saxon Refugee Council and the Leipzig Initiative Group: People.Worthy.

So far, so clear the need for action. How can the legal opinion be applied in practice? Basically, it's very simple, because even a room search is a violation of fundamental rights. All that is required for this is the following:

  • a description/reconstruction that is as precise as possible of the process in which fundamental rights were violated – > signed with the following content:
    • Where exactly (room, gate, courtyard, etc.)?
    • Who (social workers, security, ...) and how many?
    • When?
    • What happened?
    • How long did the incident last?
    • What justification was given for the encroachment on fundamental rights?
    • The whole thing should fit on half to a whole A4 page, it's no more effort.
  • Procedural power of attorney for a lawyer – > we are in contact with a lawyer who is informed about these proceedings and is willing to conduct them before the respective administrative court in Saxony. Write to us for this

Get started!

Camp Watch is a nationwide campaign [], which aims to end all camps in Germany. The house rules were crystallized as a good target for attack. Because of this: become active yourself, don't wait for us! Human rights violations concern us all. What can YOU do? The following is written in the call to the campaign:    

“How to start?

  • Find out where your nearest camp is. This can be a state reception facility, but it could also be a large community accommodation facility under the responsibility of your city or district. 
  • Get in touch with the residents! Talk to them, give them a voice, post videos, interviews, help residents organize and make demands!
  • Documents violations of fundamental rights such as searching rooms, violent securities, sanctions such as being banned from the house and more. Talk to those affected about whether they consent to publication. 
  • Organize the house rules of the respective camp! In some federal states, for example, this has been achieved through contacts in the camps - house rules must be posted. Or win members of parliament or city/district councilors and suggest inquiries to the city or state government in which you demand the publication of the house rules. The refugee council in your federal state may have already been able to research house rules.
  • Initiate legal opinions on the respective house rules yourself!
  • Bring the criticism to the press! Places refugees with journalists so that they can report directly what is going on behind the camp fence. 
  • Draw attention to the conditions in the camp with campaigns, rallies, flash mobs and social media campaigns. 
  • AND NOT LAST: Join our nationwide network to get an overview of what applies elsewhere, what strategies are being used in other municipalities or federal states. "

IV. linXXnet #CampTours

linXXnet Camp Tours #1 – 17.06.21/XNUMX/XNUMX, Dölzig
The first video of #CampTours. Interview: Ibrahim, resident of Dölzig Camp.

We started #CampTours! Mohsen and Mark from the linXXnet first drive to the reception facilities of the Free State of Saxony and talk to the people, discuss their rights and how they can enforce them. Because: in a repressive system, this is deliberately not done by authorities and operators, in fact, responsibilities are even veiled. For example, many residents in Dölzig are not aware that they have to contact the state administration - not the Malteser - if they want to submit an application, for example. And: the house rules are to be attacked. To this end, we encourage people to file complaints against violations of fundamental rights – legitimized by the house rules.
Soon we will also deal with the communal accommodation of the municipalities :)) All videos are available here:

V. Background: What exactly are the camps?

The Free State of Saxony currently has ten reception facilities. The Saxon Refugee Council compiles current occupancy figures based on Jules Kleinen's inquiries in the state parliament:

More graphics, also on the decentralized accommodation quota or on deportations, can be found here. Jule keeps asking the state government questions about numerous other aspects of camp accommodation, for example about the need for special protection, training for employees or the relationship between the state directorate and the camp operators. Do you have specific research interests and are hoping for answers in the inquiries? Sign us

Normally, people can be obliged to stay in the camp for up to 18 months for the time of their asylum procedure - if they are rejected also beyond that. For people from countries that are assumed to have "poor prospects of staying", this can even be up to 24 months.

When the coveted “transfer” takes place in one of the 13 districts or urban districts, a rude awakening can follow. Because they don't have a choice as to where people are transferred to. And: it is possible that the person will be transferred to shared accommodation. It doesn't have to be bad. Some shared accommodation consists of lockable apartments with their own kitchen and bathroom. However, others, such as reception facilities, cannot be described as anything other than camps.

VI. Then accommodation policy must become housing policy!

Basically, we demand that refugees can also live in their own apartment from the first day of their arrival. Having your own apartment offers the necessary privacy and is an essential basis for a self-determined life. Social care is already offered in many districts and municipalities on a decentralized basis and/or contact points in the social area. In Saxony, the city of Leipzig alone understands “decentralized accommodation” to mean living in your own apartment with your own rental agreement.

The development of the decentralized accommodation rate - with Vogtland as the long-standing leader and Bautzen as the eternal bottom - here:

That was Girls' Day 2021

In the year of the federal election, the LINKE project and parliamentary office linXXnet invited all interested girls* to talk about politics and to become active themselves. We wanted to hear from you which political topics interest you and what might get on your nerves in politics. In conversations with LEFT politicians and extra-parliamentary activists, you could set your topics, ask questions and get insights into how and where young women do politics. From this she developed her own podcast. Due to the pandemic, it all took place online.

And you can listen to the results on

Statement by linXXnet on the current debate about the police

With this text we want to give a voice to all those people who cannot identify with the unconditional police solidarity statements that left-wingers have also formulated in the course of the current debate. Instead, we would like to stand up together for a differentiated, factually sound and, above all, really left-wing position towards the police.

On May 25, 2020, George Floyd was brutally arrested and killed by a police officer in Minneapolis. Massive protests break out that spill over the ocean to Europe and Germany. Large demonstrations of solidarity with those affected by racism and racist police violence also fill the streets in Germany.

This important problem, which has too often been pushed aside, is finally finding its way into the broad public debate and making visible what has been hushed up: racism is not an isolated problem – also in the authorities and also in the police force – but a structural one.

SPD Chairwoman Saskia Esken's siding with the many Black and People of Color who spoke on public squares in Germany about their own negative experiences with the police caused storms of indignation. The anti-discrimination law that happened to be passed in Berlin during this time, which also binds authorities to the principle of equal treatment laid down in the Basic Law and makes it easier for those affected by discrimination to assert their rights, brought angry representatives of the police unions and conservative politicians onto the scene. The Federal Minister of the Interior even spoke of “discrimination” against the police through the law.

Many reactions to the current political debates and measures show that the police still have a status as the "holy grail". Critics of police action are quickly accused of generalizing, alienating the law or even being hostile to the state. In this way, criticism is delegitimized and the police are immunized against criticism.

In the midst of the chorus of unconditional defenders of the police, functionaries of our party have repeatedly been found in recent weeks.

“Racism in the police force must be consistently combated, as it is everywhere. However, it is wrong to place the police under the general suspicion of racism. Police officers deserve more recognition,” tweeted Dietmar Bartsch, chairman of the left-wing parliamentary group in the German Bundestag, on June 9, 2020, for example.

Immediately after the violent riots in Stuttgart, he joined the tenor of the law-and-order politicians via Twitter on June 21, without the background to the events being known at the time.
Only a few months ago, based on the media coverage of New Year's Eve at Connewitzer Kreuz, we experienced how the police sometimes acted as a political actor in their public relations work and influenced the debate in favor of conservative and right-wing positions that called for more repression, more powers and more militarization of the scream police.

With this text, we want to give a voice to all those people who cannot identify with the unconditional police solidarity statements that left-wingers also formulated in the course of the debate. Instead, we would like to stand up together for a differentiated, factually sound and, above all, really left-wing position towards the police.

We do not raise any general suspicion. Of course, not all police officers are racist. In fact, in the course of the current discussion, the police have not yet been placed "under general suspicion of racism" by any side. The only ones who claim that are conservative and right-wing politicians and the spokesmen of the police unions, who stage all police officers as victims with distorted statistics about physical attacks on police officers and an alleged lack of recognition of the police in the population and thus one want to achieve emotionalisation of the discussion, which suits them very well. After all, this makes it all the easier to cover up the fact that the governments and large police unions are ultimately to blame for the fact that we can only name structural racism and anti-democratic efforts within the police force as "suspicions" - because the CDU, DPolG and GdP have always fought with everyone Force against in-depth studies on discriminatory attitudes in the police, independent complaints offices, a documentation requirement for identity checks or a labeling requirement, i.e. simply any form of democratic control and transparency of police action.

We can therefore understand all the less why leftists jump on the calculated outrage carousel about an alleged general suspicion against the police and thus reproduce conservative and right-wing buzzwords instead of dealing with the obvious imbalance of the debate in a differentiated and critical way.

Furthermore, we have to acknowledge, even without a broad set of facts, that there is a structural racism problem in the police apparatus and that the tasks assigned to the police as part of the executive also mean the execution of state racism.

On the basis of numerous uncovered abuses, for example investigations against police officers because of the use of anti-constitutional symbols, membership in the Reich citizen scene, cf., the right-wing network in the Hessian police, the racist hate speech in a chat group of Saxon police students, dealing with journalists (e.g. the "hat citizen" scandal), right-wing entanglements (keyword: Nordkreuz group, led by an LKA and SEK officials) and investigative behavior as in the case of the NSU complex, from our point of view it can be said that the police are not just a mirror of society - authoritarian, conservative and discriminatory attitudes are concentrated here.

Sociologists such as police researcher Rafael Behr point out that these attitudes often develop over the course of a police career. And it is precisely the isolation of parts of the police apparatus, there are unquestioned racist or political enemy images among police officers, it is an esprit de corps and it is the lack of democratic control that prevents internal self-reflection and changes.

That is why it is more than appropriate for us as LINKE to take a critical position on police action, instead of standing by their side again and again in full and uncritically.

Many of us have experienced police violence in our political work. And we know too well that the punishment of the same must be carefully considered. Ads either lead to nothing, or to us being displayed ourselves. In this sense, our place as LINKE is at the side of those who are disenfranchised and disenfranchised by state power. We are responsible for denouncing illegitimate police violence and for clearly identifying and fighting ideologies of inequality within the police force.

As members and friends of DIE LINKE, in our daily work we stand by those who are checked by the police near the train stations because their skin color is different. We are standing in front of our friends' door, who are being picked up by the police to be deported. We sit next to each other in the blockade to block the way for neo-Nazis and watch out for each other when the police want to clear us. We question police press releases and create counter-publicity when the media simply take them over. We work in investigative committees, in parliaments and in honorary posts to uncover right-wing networks and, in doing so, often come across connections with the police.

We work at all levels for social security and solidary neighborhoods instead of surveillance and control. At the various parliamentary levels and in extra-parliamentary initiatives and alliances, we are ultimately fighting for a fundamental reform of the police. This means, among other things, the introduction of mandatory identification, an independent complaints office for police officers and citizens, the dissolution of closed police units, the explicit ban on racial profiling, the obligation to document personal checks and the strengthening of democracy and human rights education as part of police training.

We appeal to the chairman of the left-wing faction in the German Bundestag, Dietmar Bartsch, to consider his statements in the light of our programmatic positioning as the party DIE LINKE:

We want to overcome all social conditions in which people are exploited, disenfranchised and disenfranchised and in which their social and natural foundations of life are destroyed.

We appeal to all those on the left who have unconditionally supported the police over the past few weeks, to reconsider their one-sided statements, to question the police's lack of fundamental control options in terms of the separation of powers and to take into account the reality of life of the many people in their Perception that police action is often associated with personal fear and powerlessness and that the police as an institution should be comprehensively reformed for good reasons.

The linXXnet in July 2020

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